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searchPermalink Sufism: Legitimate Resistance?By G. Willow Wilson The now-infamous on strategies to promote 'civil democratic Islam' mentions Sufi Muslims as possible allies in the war against radicalism. Modern Sufism's tolerance of indigenous cultural norms; its rich tradition of poetry and song; and its emphasis on one's individual, emotional relationship with God, make it an appealing alternative to more rigid sects. But western patronage may actually be harming the ability of individual Sufi orders to counter extremist ideology in the Muslim world. Sufism itself, a more nebulous and imprecise idea than it first appears, may be too diffuse and complex to form a coherent pan-geographic resistance to Islamic radicalism. There is no doubt in my mind--none--that Sufis form the first line of defense against radicalism in North Africa and the Middle East. In mosques all over Cairo, many of which have become little more than repositories of Wahhabi propaganda, one can find Sufi-made bumper stickers countering Wahhabi ideology with quotes from Imam Ali and alternative readings of popular Qur'anic verses. When Wahhabi evangelists preach on public buses and metro cars, the brave few who stand up and argue with them are nearly always Sufis, or come armed with Sufi rhetoric. In Isfahan, I met a group of young Sufis who had synthesized tawassuf, punk and traditional Persian music into one of the most astonishing subcultures I have ever seen; not exactly the sort of Islam the framers of the Revolution envisioned. On the Libyan Plateau, Berber Sufis staunchly resist the invasion of black head-to-toe polyester by flatly outlawing it in order to preserve traditional Berber dress. Yes, Sufis are doing the work most of the rest of us simply talk about. But is Sufism?
Here we begin to encounter the limits of terminology. 'Sufism' is a large tent that shelters ideas and people so varied that they are often in conflict. Egyptian Rifaa'i Sufis identify themselves as staunchly Sunni, despite the fact the Rifaa'i Order originated in Iraq, and is identified by Iraqi Rifaa'i Sufis as Shi'ite. The Sufis I met in Isfahan maintained that all Sufis are Shi'ites, yet the average Iranian refuses to recognize Hafez himself as a Sufi. Arab Sufi orders, such as the Qaderis, tend to frown on the ecstatic, voluptuous poetry made famous by Turkish and Persian orders; and blame this art form for producing the highly sexualized Sufism of western pop culture, whose followers often do not consider themselves Muslim. The indigenous Islam of rural North Africa is deeply rooted in Sufi forms of worship--group dhikr that is sung or chanted rather than recited; the practice of saint-reverence and saint-festivals--yet few North Africans who are not active members of specific Sufi orders identify themselves as Sufi. So when it is only really possible to answer the question 'What is Sufism?' with more questions: Where? According to whom? In what sense? Nor is Sufism a 'moderate' philosophy. There is nothing bloodless, compromising or watered-down about Sufi Islam as it is practiced in the Muslim world; on the contrary, passion and commitment are central to the ideology no matter what iteration of it one comes across. This is where western patronage has been damaging to the ability of Sufis to counter extremism; current western public opinion holds that a better Muslim is a less Muslim Muslim, and in an effort to paint Sufism as Islam Lite, western powers are steadily alienating the most popular and widespread Sufi order in the world from other Sufis and from mainstream Muslims. The Naqshabandi Order (also spelled 'Naqshbandi') was formed in the 14th century in Persia, and is the only Sufi order to trace its spiritual lineage through Caliph Abu Bakr rather than Imam Ali. Thought to have a following of over a million, the is spread over four continents and a dozen languages. But it has recently fallen on hard times, in terms of public relations: the unprecedented level of cooperation (PDF) between the Naqshabandi Order and the Bush administration, culminating in of President Bush posing with a Naqshabandi sheikh, has hurt the order's legitimacy in the Middle East. Two years ago, when an Egyptian news channel producing a documentary about Sufism approached a popular Naqshabandi sheikh for an interview, the sheikh's representatives returned a letter, in English, requesting three million dollars for the privilege; more recently, one of the Order's most prominent Cairene followers has been hit by a minor sex scandal. The glare of western prominence and prestige has, ironically, accomplished the opposite of what it was intended to do; instead of helping the Order make inroads against extremism in the Muslim world, it has helped extremists paint the Order as westernized, decadent and the servant of two masters. The lesson to be learned here is this: Sufism's inherent flexibility and diversity is both its greatest asset and its Achilles Heel; it makes Sufism an excellent grassroots antidote to radicalism, but also means that Sufism is difficult to either define or promote on a global scale--and, perhaps, should not be defined or promoted on a global scale, if doing so decreases its utility and authenticity at the local level. If the West wants to foster Sufism, it will have to do so much more delicately than it has done; and with a much deeper understanding of its complex role in spirituality and politics, which changes from region to region and even from city to city.
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